Navāʾi, Tehran, 1990, and Qāżi Aḥmad Ḡaffāri Qazvini, Tāriḵ-e jahānārā, ed. It should be noted that many of the court chronicles completed during or shortly after the reign of Ṭahmāsp are often in large part recensions of grander, universal histories such as Ḡiāṯ˚-al-Din b. Homām-al-Din Ḵᵛāndamir’s Ḥabib al-siar (ed. King and qezelbāš ward (1524-33).Ṭahmāsp’s puppet status continued with his accession to the throne on 23 May 1524, and the self-appointed status of Div Solṭān Rumlu (one of the Sufis of the Old Guard “ṣufiān-e qadimi”) as the shah’s vicegerent and the empire’s de facto ruler. While Tabriz was quickly conquered in July 1548, it soon became apparent that Alqāṣ Mirzā’s claims that all the Qezelbāš tribes were eager to embrace him as the new shah were grossly exaggerated, and the campaign quickly turned into a lengthy, meandering expedition of plunder. Civil war, however, broke out roughly a year later and Div Solṭān led his forces successfully against the Ostājlu rebels in Azerbaijan, Ardabil, and Gilān. Chahryar Adle, Paris, 1982, pp. However, a series of Safavid victories in the early 1550s: the conquest of the Armenian cities of Arjiš, Aḵlāt,Van, and Bitlis (see BEDLIS), the routing of Eskandar Pasha outside Erzurum, the capture of Sinān Pasha, and the ensuing peace treaty of Amasya (29 May 1555), suggest that Tabriz was relatively secure when Ṭahmāsp decided to relocate his royal capital to Qazvin in 1557. However, the earliest known literary evidence of the hookah, anywhere, comes in a quatrain by AhlÄ« Shirazi (d. 1535), a Persian poet, referring to the use of the ḡalyān (FalsafÄ«, II, p. 277; Semsār, 1963, p. 15), thus dating its use at least as early as the time of the Shah Ṭahmāsp I. 416-44. [12][13][14] Tahmasp also responded by expressing his friendship to the Emperor. Tahmasp I (Persian: شاه تهماسب یکم‎‎; Azerbaijani: Şah I Təhmasib) (22 February 1514 – 14 May 1576) was an influential Shah of Iran, who enjoyed the longest reign of any member of the Safavid dynasty. By naming his two-year old son as governor, and placing him in the care of the chief amir (see also AMIR-AL-OMARĀʾ) of the recently-incorporated Mawṣellu tribe, Esmāʿil was not only redistributing tribal power but also inducing a much-needed physical manifestation of the imperial Safavid family (which was considered sacred) in a troubled peripheral area of his nascent empire. According to Cyril Elgood (pp. See also S. C. Welch, Persian Painting: Five Royal Safavid Manuscripts of the Sixteenth Century, New York, 1976, and S. Canby, The Golden Age of Persian Art, 1501-1722, London, 1999. A. H. Morton, London, 1993), has been invaluable for insights into various aspects of Safavid court culture and popular piety. One particularly understudied poet is Ḵᵛāja ʿAbdi Beg of Shiraz (laqab: Navidi), perhaps better known for his historical work, the Takmilat al-aḵbār, but whose poetical collection, Jannat-e ʿAdan (made up of five major poems, in the spirit of Neẓāmi’s Ḵamsa) deserves more scholarly attention for its allusions to and descriptions of historical events and monuments. Although many prominent poets left Persia for the Indian Subcontinent, two of the best poets of the reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp, Waḥši [Vahshi] of Bāfq (d. 1583) and Moḥtašam of Kashan (d. 1587-88), managed to stay in Persia, despite supplementing their collection of religious odes with erotic ghazals. However, the earliest known literary evidence of the hookah, anywhere, comes in a quatrain by AhlÄ« Shirazi (d. 1535), a Persian poet, referring to the use of the ḡalyān (FalsafÄ«, II, p. 277; Semsār, 1963, p. 15), thus dating its use at least as early as the time of the Shah Ṭahmāsp I. [20] Erzurum, Van, and Shahrizor became buffer zones. 9-29, and M. Mazzaoui, “Shah Ṭahmāsp and the Diaries of Marino Sanuto (1524-1533),” in Die islamische Welt zwischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit, ed. by Paul Horn, Die Denkwurdigkeiten schah Tahmasp's des Ersten von Persien (Strassburg: K. J. Trubner, 1891). 31-64; 13, 1975, pp. Parts of the Šāh-nāma-ye Šāh Ṭahmāsp have been reproduced by S. C. Welch and M. Dickson in The Houghton Shahnameh, Cambridge, 1981. Suleiman was eager to negotiate his son's return, but Tahmasp rejected his promises and threats until, in 1561 Suleiman compromised with him. He also captured one of Suleiman's favourites, Sinan Beg. He had traveled to Iraq and "had been ordained as Gaon in order to fill the position of Rav Hai, of saintly memory." The fourteen-year-old Ṭahmāsp led a relief force to the east and, by all accounts, acquitted himself bravely at the battle of Jām (24 September 1528). 635-37). Most scholars concur that Tabriz had shown itself to be vulnerable to Ottoman attack, and strategy dictated having a centrally located royal capital. [2] Upon adulthood, however, Tahmasp was able to reassert the power of the Shah and control the tribesmen with the start of the introduction of large amounts of Caucasian elements, effectively and purposefully creating a new layer in Iranian society, solely composed of ethnic Caucasians. 232-51, and A. H. Morton, “The Ardabil Shrine in the Reign of Shah Tahmasp,” Iran 12, 1974, pp. (Optional) Enter email address if you would like feedback about your tag. One of Shah Tahmasp's more lasting achievements was his encouragement of the Persian rug industry on a national scale, possibly a response to the economic effects of the interruption of the Silk Road carrying trade during the Ottoman wars. Minorsky). [6][7] He was only 10 years old when he succeeded his father Shah Ismail, the founder of Safavid rule in Iran. In turn, this has been extrapolated to suggest that Ṭahmāsp encouraged an official policy of intolerance and bigotry toward all Sunni Muslims, Christians, and Jews. In March 1547, hostilities broke out when Alqāṣ’s forces, led by Moḥammad Beg Afšār, were routed by Šāhqoli Ḵalifa and the city of Darband was taken from the rebels by Bahrām Mirzā. Cyril Elgood (pp 41, 110) skribas ke la kuracisto de Akbar, Irfan Shaikh, tiam inventis la nargileon en Hindio. One of the most focused studies of a particular aspect of his empire is Martin Dickson’s dissertation, “Shah Tahmāsb and the Uzbeks: the Duel for Khurāsān with ʿUbayd Khān, 930-946/1524-1540,” Princeton University, 1958. U. Haarmann and P. Bachmann, Beirut, 1979, pp. 45-73; R. Islam, Indo-Persian Relations: A Study of the Political and Diplomatic Relations Between the Mughal Empire and Iran, Tehran, 1970, pp. Shah Ṭahmāsp’s own brother, Sām Mirzā, wrote the Taḏkera-yetoḥfa-ye sāmi, in which he mentioned 700 poets during the reigns of the first two Safavid rulers. His ambassador to the Shah was the knight of Saint John de Balbi, and an alliance was made with the objective of making an attack on the Ottoman Empire in the west and the east within the following year. Although they defeated the Uzbeks in a battle near Jam,[8] Tahmasp was disgusted at the cowardice Chuha Sultan had displayed during the combat. J. Homāʾi, 4 vols., Tehran, 1954; ed. A number of contemporary sources exist for the study of the reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp, and thanks to the work of several scholars, many have been made available in published editions. Hist. Principally, we have the shah’s own memoirs, completed in 1561, as Taḏkera-ye Šāh Ṭahmāsp; ed. While a strict moral code appears to have been decreed by the shah at some time in the 1530s, it is questionable whether it was enforced with any regularity in city and countryside alike. Consistent with Turco-Mongolian customs in terms of corporate family sovereignty, he was allocated nominal control of the lucrative province of Khorasan, and in 1516 he was placed under the tutorship (lalegi) of Amir Solṭān Mawṣellu, the former governor of Āmed (see AMIDA; now Diārbakr) under the Āq Qoyunlus. 123-33; A. H. Morton, “The chūb-i ṭarīq and qizilbāsh ritual in Safavid Persia,” in Étudessafavides, ed. Olāma Beg Takkalu returned to Persia in 1532 with an Ottoman patron, Fil Pasha, and 50,000 troops. The Italian excavations have revealed five principal construction phases spanning from the III c. BCE into the X-XI c. CE. The Takkalus regained the advantage and some of them even tried to kidnap the shah. Tahmasp's reign was marked by foreign threats, primarily from the Safavid's arch rival, the Ottomans, and the Uzbeks in the far east. The previous conquests were consolidated, and many of the political, economic, and social problems caused by Mehmed’s internal policies were resolved, leaving a firm foundation for the conquests of the 16th-century sultans. In one poem (Haft divān, I, p. 435), he refers to a brief marriage that ended in divorce, and he apparently died childless. See ʿA. A. Zilli, “Early Correspondence Between Shah Tahmasp and Akbar,” in Islamic Heritage in South Asian Subcontinent, ed. Probably the most detailed court chronicle of this period, produced shortly after Ṭahmāsp’s reign, is Qāżi Aḥmad b. Šaraf-al-Din Qomi’s Ḵolāṣat al-tawāriḵ, ed. Haydar was killed and Ismail emerged triumphant as Shah Ismail II.[27]. Dissension appeared soon afterward among the Qezelbāš ranks, and the Ostājlu tribe, headed by Köpek Solṭān, chafed at the prospect of Rumlu hegemony at the Safavid court. Marginalized and hostile, a number of Takkalu abandoned the Safavid cause and joined the Ottoman Empire to the west; the most celebrated case was that of Olāma Beg Takkalu who had held the powerful positions of yasāvol-bāši (chief bodyguard) and ešik-āqāsi-bāši (chamberlain) during the reign of Esmāʿil, and at the time of his revolt had been serving as the governor (ḥākem) of Azerbaijan. Her mortal remains were temporarily buried in the Zainabad garden. Christian-Muslim Relations. Olāma Beg Takkalu, now serving as the Ottoman governor of Erzurum, was ordered to assemble his troops and accompany Alqāṣ Mirzā in an invasion of Azerbaijan. 225-46; Devin Stewart “The First Shaykh al-Islām of the Safavid Capital Qazvin,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, 1996, pp. In September of that year, Tahmasp and Bayezid were enjoying a banquet at Tabriz when Tahmasp suddenly pretended he had received news that the Ottoman prince was engaged in a plot against his life. For a good introduction to religious life in Persia during the reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp, see B. Scarcia Amoretti, “Religion in the Timurid and Safavid Periods,” in Camb. A number of studies have been offered on architecture and urban dynamics under Shah Ṭahmāsp. After the Peace of Amasya and the shift of the imperial residence, the militant nomadism associated with the dawlat-e qezelbāš that had dominated the first forty years of Safavid dynastic rule began to dissipate. The most famous example of such work is the Shāhnāma-yi Shāh TahmāsbÄ« (King's Book of Kings), commissioned for Tahmasb by his father and containing 250 miniatures by the leading court artists of the era. Personal Piety and Religious Policy. Karaki’s treatises on taxes, public prayer, the role of the Imam, and other questions were reflective of a theologian who had little difficulty rationalizing a legitimate Shiʿite state during the absence of the Twelfth Imam, or the Greater Occultation (see ḠAYBA). Perhaps more telling is Ṭahmāsp’s own claims that he regularly foresaw future events while dreaming and was visited in his dreams on a number of occasions by Sufi saints, most notably his ancestors, Shaikh Ṣafi-al-Din and Solṭān Ḥaydar. Fig. 117-26. Nevertheless, Tahmasp took the precaution of transferring his capital from Tabriz to Qazvin, which was further away from the border.[19]. However, as some scholars (Stewart, Newman, Morton, Amoretti) have noted, the religious situation in the 16th century was far more nuanced than this, and the characterization of the Iranian population as homogeneous in its acceptance of and familiarity with formal Imami Twelver Shiʿism is problematic. Ṭahmāsp Mirzā, the eldest son of the Safavid dynastic founder, Shah Esmāʿil I, was designated early on as the successor to the throne. See also M. Szuppe, “Palais et jardins: le complexe royal des premiers safavides à Qazvin, milieu XVIᵉ-début XVIIᵉ siècles,” in Sites et monuments disparus d’après les temoignages de voyageurs, ed. In 1548, Suleiman and Alqas entered Iran with a huge army but Tahmasp had already "scorched the earth" around Tabriz and the Ottomans could find few supplies to sustain themselves. He persuaded Suleiman that if he invaded the Iranians would rise up and overthrow Tahmasp. He came to the throne aged ten in 1524 and came under the control of the Qizilbash, Turkic tribesmen who formed the backbone of the Safavid power. Alqas penetrated further into Iran but the citizens of Isfahan and Shiraz refused to open their gates to him. 84–5), or the suffering caused to thousands of Armenians deported to Isfahan (pp. feet, so that I did not see my wife and children for a month or forty days at a time. They never regained their influence in Iran. Iran - Iran - Shah Ê¿Abbās I: The á¹¢afavids were still faced with the problem of making their empire pay. Fraternal revolts and family schisms in the Safavid, Ottoman, and Mughal dynastic households dominated the course of political events in Persia after 1533. 89-120. R. Savory discusses Ṭahmāsp’s reign in Iran Under the Safavids, Cambridge, 1980, pp. This persuaded the sultan to come to terms at the Peace of Amasya in 1555. Jarrāḥi, Tehran, 1994. In each case, Ṭahmāsp eschewed martial responses and sought resolution through dialogue and conciliation. 230-45; W. Posch, “Der Fall Alkāṣ Mīrzā und der Persienfeldzug von 1548-1549: Ein gescheitertes osmanisches Projekt zur Niederwerfung des safavidischen Persiens,” Ph.D. When Shah Ṭahmāsp died in 1576, the empire he had inherited from his father had not only been maintained but also expanded during the reign of the most successful and expansionary sultan known to the Ottoman Empire. The leader of the Shamlu faction, Husayn Khan, now assumed the regency but, in 1533, Tahmasp suspected Husayn Khan was plotting to overthrow him and had him put to death. The Safavid Empire, in many ways, began to show an unprecedented degree of cultural sophistication, especially in terms of the “arts of the book,” during the period between 1541 and 1555. After a long description of a number of dreams in the year 1554 in which he saw inscribed or found himself spontaneously speaking the phrase fa-sayakfikahum Allāh (“and God will suffice thee against them,” Qurʾān 2:137), Ṭahmāsp was astonished to find that this verse referred to God’s promise that His Prophets would be victorious over their enemies. N. Ahmad and I. H. Siddiqui, II, Jaipur, 2000, pp. Navāʾi, Šāh Ṭahmāsp-e ṣafavi: Majmuʿa-ye asnād va mokātebāt-e tāriki, hamrāh bā yād-dāšthā-ye tafṣil, Tehran, 1971, and D. T¯ābetiān, Asnād va nāmahā-ye tāriki-ye dawra-ye ṣafaviya, Tehran, 1964. A more appealing explanation for basing the central, royal administration in Qazvin lies with the aforementioned agenda of minimizing undue Turkic influence in the Safavid court. Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, shah of Iran (1941-79). He was the son and successor of Ismail I. [24], In 1574, Tahmasp fell ill and discord broke out among the Qizilbash once more, this time over which prince was to succeed him. He was dignified as “Legal Expert of the Age” (Mojtahed-al-zamān) and “the Second Investigator” (al-Moḥaqqeq al-ṯāni, the first one, al-Moḥaqqeq al-awwal, being Najm-al-Din Ḥelli (d. 1326). Specific documents have been examined in A. N. Kozlova, “Ein persisches Dokument von Šah Tahmasp I. Cultural Patron. Finally, the reign of Shah Ṭahmāsp is particularly rich in terms of historiography (For details see the primary sources subsection of the bibliography). At the same time, Esmāʿil was reluctant to rid himself entirely of his status as the perfect spiritual guide (moršed-e kāmel) who was openly venerated by his Qezelbāš disciples (morids) as not only the direct descendent of ʿAli and Moḥammad, but the promised Mahdi who would usher in the Day of Judgment. Political History: Ṭahmāsp as a princeling (1516-24). Library of Congress Authority File (English) Virtual International Authority File. These disruptions were essentially manifestations of the core ethos of corporate sovereignty peculiar to Turco-Mongolian states, and to counteract them, key changes were soon introduced by Ṭahmāsp to the court and military that would radically alter the ethnic composition of Persia’s elite in the next century. The shah iran. Of the calligraphers: Mollā ʿAbdi Nišāpuri, Ostād Shah Maḥmud Nišāpuri, Mollā Rostam ʿAli Haravi. Some celebrated instances of this bigoted orthodoxy include the massacre of various Noqṭawi and Ismaʿili communities, the abrogation of a number of objectionable verses from his father’s divān, the public decree that court poets henceforth write panegyrics solely to the Twelve Imams, and the xenophobic denigration of the English Muscovy Company agent, Anthony Jenkinson. tr. By this treaty historical Armenia and Georgia were divided equally between the two, the Ottoman Empire obtained most of Iraq, including Baghdad, which gave them access to the Persian Gulf, while the Persians retained their former capital Tabriz and all their other north-western territories in the Caucasus (Dagestan, Azerbaijan) and as they were prior to the wars. Edited by David Thomas and John Chesworth with John Azumah, Stanisław Grodź, Andrew Newman, Douglas Pratt. Perhaps more problematic for the young shah was the revelation that his brother, Sām Mirzā, had been in secret correspondence with Solaymān and that this Ottoman invasion was in fact designed to remove Ṭahmāsp and place a pro-Ottoman Safavid monarch on the throne in Tabriz. 1907, pp. 387-405; and Rasul Jaʿfariān, Din va siāsat dar dawra-ye Ṣafavi, Tehran, 1991. 66-112. ʿA. Unfettered by the juridical and exegetical arguments and proofs presented by Shiʿite scholars in the past, Karaki was free to embrace the oṣuli principle of ejtehād (‘interpretation’) in his defense of a secular kingdom acting as the spiritual custodian of the Imami community. See his Encyclopædia Iranica article on Moḥtašam of Kashan, and “The Palace of Praise and the Melons of Time: Descriptive Patterns in ‘Abdi Bayk Shirazi’s Garden of Eden,” Eurasian Studies: the Skilliter Center-Instituto per l’Oriente Journal for Balkan, Eastern Mediterranean, Anatolian, Middle Eastern, Iranian, and Central Asian Studies 2, 2003, pp. Iran, VI, 1986, pp. Ṭahmāsp writes “After realizing this, I was very anxious, and it occurred to me again then that a flash of light from God, may His name be exalted, had burst forth and made itself apparent” (Horn, 1890, p. 637). Ṭahmāsp concludes how “it is known that I saw these types of miracles (nawʿ-e ʿajābāt) and in this way, the Qurʾānic verse (2:137) had run off my tongue.” Not long afterwards, Ṭahmāsp managed to defeat the largest Ottoman invasion to date by Sultan Solaymān (Horn, pp. ©2021 Encyclopædia Iranica Foundation, Inc. All Rights Reserved. On account of the pleasure-exciting songs of the singers, Venus was concealed (in shame) in the sheet of the sky and on account of the music of the musicians, grieved hearts became gladdened; and on account of the palatable foods and pleasant drinks the unsettling hunger in the hearts of beggars vanished like the desire for food in the hearts of rich persons. The debate on clerical migration and Safavid Persia is treated in Rula Abisaab, Converting Persia: Religion and Power in the Safavid Empire, 1501-1736, London, 2004; Devin Stewart, “Notes on the Migration of ʿĀmilī Scholars to Safavid Iran,” JNES 55, 1996, pp. 18-51; idem, “Venezia e la Persia tra Uzun Hasan e Tahmasp (1454-1572),” Veltro 14, 1970, pp. 1319, Calcutta, 1912 (Persian text with English footnotes); Taḏkera-ye Šāh Ṭahmāsp, Berlin, 1924. [22][23], Humayun was not the only royal figure to seek refuge at Tahmasp's court. M.-R. Nāṣeri and K. Haneda, Tehran, 2000. Some of the tribes recognised a Qizilbash leader, Div Sultan Rumlu, as regent (atabeg) to the shah, but others dissented and in 1526 a bloody civil war broke out among the differing factions. Takkalu ascendancy was promptly replaced by that of the Šāmlu when Ṭahmāsp appointed Ḥosayn Khan Šāmlu as his wakil, or plenipotentiary. Div Solṭān acknowledged that despite his powerful political leverage as custodian of Ṭahmāsp, he still needed to secure the Ostājlu stronghold of Tabriz. A. H. Morton’s translation of the account of the Venetian agent, Michele Membré (Mission to the Lord Sophy of Persia (1539-1542), tr. For Qazvin, see Ehsan Echraqi [Eḥsān Ešrāqi], “Le Dār al-Salṭana de Qazvin, deuxième capitale des Safavides,” in Safavid Persia: The History and Politics of an Islamic Society, ed. They were both influential in the royal court and they showed concern for the welfare of the community. A number of other primary sources, namely diplomatic letters (maktubāt), royal decrees (farāmin), and diplomas of investiture have been edited and, in some cases, translated. An angry mob gathered and Tahmasp had Bayezid put into custody, alleging it was for his own safety. A. Newman, Leiden, 2003, pp. At the age of eight, Ṭahmāsp found himself in the center of a power struggle between Turkmens and “Tājiks,” that is Persians, personified in Amir Solṭān Mawṣellu and Amir Ḡiāṯ-al-Din, over the control of Herat. While no documentation exists as to what was taking place among the general population, numerous incidents are recorded of royal courts serving as arenas for recitals of secular and love poetry and concerts by prominent musicians. During this period, the Ottomans committed a genocide against the Armenian people which tarnished the name of the Empire in the eyes of the world and history and still haunts the modern Turkish republic. Some of them even tried to kidnap the Shah paid absolute patronage and attention to These ”! To succeed the aged Suleiman the Magnificent Tahmasps I. von 934/1528, ” JAOS,! For an Eng Ṭahmāsp ’ s own memoirs, completed in 1561, as expected, fighting broke between... 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